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HERITAGE FLORIDA JEWISH NEWS, OCTOBER 28, 2011 Murderers' From page 1A ing and beat to death two Israeli reservists who had been taken into Palestinian custody there after making a wrong turn into the city. An Israeli court convicted him of the murder of Cpl. Vadim Norzich. Mona Awana: In Janu- ary 2001, West Bank resi- dent Mona Awana, pretend- ing to be an American with a romantic interest in an Israeli high school student, used the Internet to lure 16-year-old Ofir Rahum to meet her in Jerusalem. They then drove Rahum to a prearranged location on Ramallah's outskirts, where he was shot and killed by Palestinian gunmen. Fuad Amrin: In May 1992, Gaza resident Fuad Amrin stabbed to death 15-year-old Helena Rapp on her way to school in the Israeli city of Bat Yam. Husam Badran: As the leader of Hamas' military wing in the northern West Bank, Husam Badran was the instigator of several of the deadliest suicide bomb- ings of the second intifada, including the 2001 bomb- ing attacks on a Sbarro pizzeria in Jerusalem (15 killed), the Dolphinarium discotheque bombing in Tel Aviv (21 killed), the 2002 suicide bombings of a Passover seder at the Park Hotel in Netanya (30 killed) and the bombing of the Matza restaurant in Haifa (15 killed). More than 100 people were killed in terrorist attacks directed by Badran. Tamimi Ahlam: In Au- gust 2001, Tamimi Ahlam, a female university student and journalist originally from Jordan, led a suicide bomber to the downtown Jerusalem Sbarro pizzeria where he detonated himself, killing 15 people, including seven children. Walid Anajas: Hamas Egypt PAGE 19A operative Walid Anajas as- sisted with the 2002 suicide bombings at Jerusalem's Cafe Moment (11 killed) and a gaming club in Rishon LeZion (16 killed), and the remotely detonated bomb- ing of a cafeteria at the Mount Scopus campus of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, which killed nine people, including four Americans. From page 4A sometimes the army puts them in jail, and other times the army coordinates with them." Although these two "conservative" forces, as she calls them, are very dif- ferent, they have enough in common--especially in what they oppose--to enable them to function together at least temporarily. "The regime and the Is- lamists hate liberalism and Westernization," she elabo- rated. "This has been the prob- lem since King Farouk was toppled [by the Nasserists]. Egypt's liberal bourgeoisie and the liberal thinkers are associated with the impe- rial power of the moment, so they are rejected. Leftists and Marxists, however, overlap ideologically with the regime because they are anti-liberal and anti-American." This is also, in her view, part of the reason why Israel must be demonized: "Not because it's Jewish, but because it's Western and liberal." Perhaps the strangest thing about Mustafa's story is that she actually tried to resign and the government wouldn't let her. Ier relationship with regime Officials had become so poisonous and acrimoni- ! ous that she thought it no longer made sense for her to continue on their payroll, yet they told her they needed her and insisted that things remain as they were. Perhaps they reasoned that they could keep a better eye on her that way, but they certainly could have put her in jail if they wanted to. This sort of behav- ior is unimaginable with the Syrians or the Iranians--or with the Muslim Brother- hood, Hamas, or Hezbollah. Somewhere in the back of the government's collective mind, illiberal though it may be, the conviction is lodged that the radical days of pre-1967 Nas- serism were a disaster that must not be repeated. Another liberal who has much in commonwith Soltan and Mustafa, though he doesn't work at the center, is Ezzedine Choukri Fishere. A novelist and a professor of political science at the Ameri- can University of Cairo, he was appointed in the aftermath of Mubarak's ouster as the sec- retary general of the Supreme Council for Culture, a part of Egypt's Ministry of Culture. The current minister himself, Fishere pointed out to me, "is a former political activist who was arrested and spent time in jail. His appointment came as a result of pressure from the protestors, and he appointed me in turn. I too am not known as a state per- son. We're trying to move the ministry away from the old model, but it will take time. It's a heavy bureaucracy, a heavy machine." Fishere--an opponent of Mubarak who was never shy about making his opinions known--is exactly the kind of person needed by a govern- ment that wants to reform its sclerotic institutions. "If North Korea and the former Soviet Union are a 10 on the scale of social control," he said, "Egypt under Mubarak was probably a six. I published my first novel in 1995. It was very critical of the government. I was working in the foreign service at the time, so I wondered if I should write under my own name. But Iwent ahead, and nothing happened. No one in the government reads," he laughed. Even more astonishingly, not only was Fishere in the official employ of the regime at the time, he was working at Egypt's embassy in Tel Aviv. As a result of this posting, his view of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and of Egyptian-ls- raeli relations is exceptionally nuanced and sophisticated. "I had never been to Israel before I worked for the embassy," he said. "It was like landing on the moon. It's very close, but it's also very far. When I got there I thought, 'Oh, damn, this is Ben-Gurion airport.' And there was a statue of Ben-Gurion. How was I sup- posed to relate to that? He's an absolute 'other.' "But then Israel became my daily life. Itwas a great experi- ence because I learned things that I couldn't possibly learn otherwise. I got to understand how Israel really functions, how people really think. It's a complex story. Egyptians and Syrians have the most fantastic views of Israelis be- cause there is no interaction whatsoever. For us, our view of Israelis comes from our imagination rather than from people we deal with. I saw the complexity of the relationship between the Palestinians and the Israelis, and complexity teaches you things." None of this means Fish- ere is pro-Israel. He's not. One of his complaints about the Mubarak regime centers on its policy toward Israel. Even while cooperating with the Jewish state, Mubarak and his state-run media de- nounced the Israelis in terms hardly less extreme than those used by Syria. To Fish- ere, Egypt's policy should be somewhere between the two poles, denouncing Israel less but also cooperating with it less. "The state will have to face the public," he told me, "and say yes, it's true, we've had good relations with Israel for the last 30 years. At the same time, Egypt has to be frank with the Israelis, and the Americans, and say we can no longer help you in keep- ing the Palestinians where they are. In short, Cairo has to reformulate its foreign policy and make it more open, transparent, truthful, and reasonable, meaning Egypt should be more like Turkey than like Iran." Soltan, Mustafa, and Fish- ere share the view that Egyp- tian culture is slowly becom- ing a bit more pluralistic, if not necessarily more democratic, and that most of the leaders of the various factions and parties, except for the Muslim Brotherhood and the even more radical Salafists, do not aim at imposing their own version of a top-heavy, one- party state. I think they're probably right. Egypt does feel more pluralistic to me now than it did just a few years ago, and a few years ago it was more pluralistic--if still authoritar- ian-than during the early days of Nasser's rule. At the same time, the country is terribly weighed down by despotic traditions and habits that go back thousands of years. Which means thatthese three figures, who are among the more sober of Egypt's lib- erals, are probably correct in declining to characterize the country's nascent culture as democratic. It is not so easy to pitch 7,000 years of heavy history over the side. Politically disgruntled pro- fessors who write novels don't tend to do well in govern- ments anywhere, least of all in regimes like Egypt's. It is thus no surprise that Fishere recently departed the Ministry of Culture to return to teaching and writing. He was not, how- ever, purged. If ever the likes of him are purged by the military junta, an Islamist government, or some diabolical hybrid, we'll know Egypt has re-crossed a dangerous threshold, and is becoming more like Iran than like Turkey. Michael J. Torten is a contributing editor at City Journal and author of " In the Wake of the Surge" and "The Road to Fatima Gate." Visit his blog at www.MichaelTot- Worry From page 5A could not afford to pay our bills this year, maintenance costs included," Marek Bern, a Sobi- bor museum spokesman, told the Krakow Post. "Without a stable budget we can't make any plans for the future." The museum reopened July I after the Polish Culture Ministry announced that it would be reorganized as a state-run institution funded by the ministry. "Auschwitz is the great exception to the rule," said Rabbi Andrew Baker, the di- rector of international Jewish affairs for the American Jew- ish Committee. Baker was the point man for the AJC in its cooperation with the Polish Wilf From page 11A EW: The baby lives in Is- rael. Whenever I go to Munich I travelwith him. He has many passport stamps by now!... He's not a dual citizen and neither am I. JW: What language do you and your husband speak together? EW: I'm learning German, and he's learning Hebrew. We want to make sure there's no possibility for one parent to talk to the kid in a language the other parent will not un- derstand. Andwith each other we speak English. JW: Is it hard to be in an in- terfaith relationship in Israel? EW: We have the same faith: atheism. If he were some government to build a large and impressive monument and museum at Belzec, where 500,000 Jews were killed. The center opened in 2004. "With all the focus on Auschwitz, there's a kind of irony," he added. "It is coming that Auschwitz is becoming a universal symbol. It is raising money from scores of coun- tries. When the survivors pass on, one question will be how to retain the identity of Aus- chwitz as a place where Jews were killed. It can become a universal place of lessons about genocide." The Auschwitz Founda- tion was set up in 2009 with the goal of raising $163 mil- lion and thus guaranteeing an annual interest income of about $6 million for the much-needed conservation of barracks, gas chambers, and other artifacts and material. To date, nearly 20 countries have announced support for the effort, bringing the total pledges to more than $122 million. Germany alone pledged about $82 million. Israel was the latest country to pledge funds, with a $1 million contribution pledged to the foundation a few days before Rosh Hashanah. In a statement quoted by the Auschwitz museum website, Yad Vashem director Avner Shalev explained why the investment was seen as so important. "The site of Auschwitz- Birkenau, where over I million Jews were murdered during the Shoah, has become a key symbol of the Holocaust and of absolute evil," he said. "It is therefore a moral im- perative to preserve the site's authenticity and legacy, and it is meaningful that Israel is participating in meeting that imperative." The success to date of the Auschwitz fundraising campaign has been greeted with a cautious sigh of relief by scholars and preservation- ists who for years had raised the alarm about the threats to the site. "It seems that the future of Auschwitz with regard to pres- ervation is mostly secured," said Tomasz Kunciewicz, director of the Auschwitz religious person and I were an atheist, it would be very dif- ficult... We're both completely devout atheists. We don't see ourselves as being an inter- faith couple. If anything it's like an international couple: we come from two different nations, two different people, but not two different faiths. JW: Has your family been welcoming of your husband? EW: Oh, absolutely. At the end of the day you marry a person. You don't marry sym- bols or ideas. My family was very impressed with how sup- portive he is of my dedication and devotion to Israel and the Jewish people and how deeply he cares about it. JW: Do you have ambitions beyond the Knesset? EW: I want to stay in poli- tics for as long as they'll let me... And if not in the Knes- set and not in government, anything that will allow me to stand at the crossroads of Israel, the Jewish people and the world at large would always be interesting for me. This is what I want my life to be. I made that decision a while ago. I love everything I do. The issues I care about in Israel are of course foreign affairs, but also education and the economy. Any way I can serve, I'd really be privileged and honored... We often forget to take a step back and realize what a remarkable creation Israel is and what a remark- able opportunity it still is to be part of it. JW: I feel a little sexist ask- ing this, since no one ever asks men this, but how do you manage to balance career and parenthood, especially with your spouse living abroad? EW: First of all, when my husband is here, he's with the baby and he helps a lot. But also, you know the classic phrase, "Behind every successful man is a woman"? I recently heard, "Behind every successful wom- an is her mother." My mother [a retired teacher] helps a lot. I have [hired] help. And I make it work... I work from home when I can, and the baby joins me for many meetings... Julie Wiener is associate editor at the New York Jewish Week, from which this article was reprinted by permission. Jewish Center, an educational institution in the town of Os- wiecim, where Auschwitz is lo- cated. "Several governments have already made significant contributions, and others are expected to follow suit. "However, regarding the more 'forgotten' death camps, such as Sobibor, the situation seems to be acute and there should be similar interna- tional efforts made regarding fundraising as in the case of Auschwitz." In contrast to the 1.3 mil- lion visitors to Auschwitz last year, only about 30,000 go annually to Belzec, in south- eastern Poland, and 20,000 visit Sobibor. Even Majdanek, which has a large museum and many more original buildings and other infrastructure than Auschwitz, attracts only about 100,000 annual visitors. The Majdanek museum is still coming to grips with a 2010 fire that destroyed one of the original barracks, where some of its key collections were stored. "Everybody talks about the problems at Auschwitz," Kuwalek said. "Nobody pays attention to the other places. I'm really afraid that they were forgotten and will be forgotten." Determining how to deal with these sites, he added, "will be a discussion that is more and more important. There is a recognition that something has to be done, but no one knows how and what." 126453978 385967241000000 947128653 569372814 i 432816597 871594362 213649785 794285136 658731429 Sudoku solution from page 7