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PAGE 4A HERITAGE FLORIDA JEWISH NEWS, OCTOBER 10, 2014 Allies and adversaries in the Middle East By Ben Cohen Who are we at war with in the Middle East? At first glance, this seems like a straight- forward question with an obvious answer. We are at war with the Islamic State terrorist organization in Iraq and Syria. Moreover. "war" is the exact descriptor to use, now that the Obama administration has gotten over its initial reluctance to portray the clash in this part of the Middle East with such a stark and unmistakable word. War, however, is rarely simple. As a rule of thumb, one should appreciate that the identified enemy is not the only enemy. Hence, while we are at war most immediately with Islamic State, this should not preclude us from grasping that there are other local forces with whom we have separate, equally complex, and potentially very dangerous conflicts. The Second World War provides a good historical example of what I mean. From 1941 onwards, the Soviet Union was an ally of Britain, which had been fighting Nazi Germany solo for the previous two years, and the United States, which entered the war following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. But in the decades prior .t.o that capitalist-communist military alliance. the Soviet Union was very much an enemy, perceived by European leaders especially as the main threat to the stability of western democracy. Only with the rise of Nazism did the Soviet threat retreat into the background. But even then, there was an awareness that once our business with Hitler's regime was done we would remain fundamentally at loggerheads with the Soviet Union. That was why World War II segued rapidly into the Cold War that dominated international relations for the next half-century. A similar pattern is observable with Is- lamic State. The coalition that the U.S. has assembled to fight this barbaric scourge is, much like the Anglo-American-Soviet coalition of the 1940s, based upon an im- mediate coincidence of interest. But many of the powers involved with it should not be described as friends. Some of them par- ticularly those with an indirect, ambiguous role might in fact become declared enemies in the not-too-distant future. I include in that category states like Turkey and Qatar. Turkey is not a central actor in the war against Islamic State, having elected not Wake up call Part II By Ed Ziegler This article is mainly for those Americans who naively insist that Islamic terrorists are of no concern here, with reasoning like: they know nice Muslims. there are too few fanatics. they do not see them here or if we are nice to them they will be nice to us (as they were with (beheaded) journalists Daniel Pearl, James Foley and Stephen Sotloff?) Listen to the threatening words and actions below, of their vicious leaders, here in the United States. They ar'throughout America from New York to California and coming across the U.S.-Mexican border. Omar Abdel Rahman, the blind Sheikh convicted of planning a "day of rage" by blow- ing up New York buildings in 1991, called on Muslims to "conquer the land of the infidels." Imam Amir-Abdel Malik-Ali Masjid of the Al Islam mosque, Oakland, Calif. "We must implement Islam as a totality (in which) Allah controls every place.., the home, the classroom, the science lab, the halls of Congress." Imam Abdul Alim Musa of the A1 Masjid mosque, Washington, D.C. "If you don't give us justice. If you don't give us equality. If you don't give us our share of America. If you don't stay out of our way and leave us alone, we're gonna burn America down." Imam Muhammad Al-Asi, former Imam at the Washington, D.C. Islamic Center--"Now, all our imams, our public speakers, should be concentrating on militarizing the Muslim public ... Only carrying arms will do this task." Imam Zaid Shakir, former Muslim chaplain at Yale University "Muslims cannot accept the legitimacy of the existing American order, since it is against the orders and ordainments of Allah." Imam Feisel Abdul Rauf, of the Mosque at Ground Zero N.Y., N.Y. "I do not believe in religious dialogue." Omar Ahmad, founder of Council onAmeri- can islamic Relations, said, "Islam isn't in America to be equal to any other faith, but to become dominant. The Koran, the Muslim book of scripture, should be the highest author- ity in America, and Islam the only accepted religion on earth..." Ahmad Nawfal. a Jordanian who has spoken atrallies held onAmerican soil--"Iffundamen- talist Muslims stand up, it will be very easy for us to preside over this world." Ihsan Bagby, officer of Council onAmerican Islamic Relations "Ultimately, we (Muslims) can never be full citizens of this country... because there is no way we can be fully com- mitted to the institutions and ideologies of this country..." Nihad Awad, officer of Council on American Islamic Relations "I am in support of the Hamas movement." Edina Lekovic. officer Muslim Public Affairs Council from the July 1999 edition of A1-Talib, the Muslim news magazine at UCLA, when Lekovic was one of the managing editors "When we hear someone refer to the great mujahid Osama bin Laden as a 'terrorist', we should defend our brother and refer to him as a freedom fighter..." Julio Assad Pino, associate professor of history at Kent State University. Pino considers homicide bombers martyrs, the U.S. Armed Forces butchers, and is or was at one time part of an Internet blog that urges readers to join the Islamic resistance. Also in a Columbus Dispatch piece. Pino described himself as the "most dangerous Muslim in America." A review of these statements show that they do not veer far at all from the comments made by Islamic religious figures overseas as presented in my last article or from remarks made by other prominent Muslims operating in the United States. I call upon everyone who acknowledges the fact that fanatic Muslims intend to take over the USA, and the world, to speak out and educate the ill-informed and uninformed. Ed Ziegler can be contacted at Brooklyn13@ or 352-750-3298. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED ON THIS PAGE ARE NOT NECESSARILY THE VIEWS OF HERITAGE MANAGEMENT. ISSN 0199-0721 winner of 43 Press Awards HE ITAGE HERITAGE Florida Jewish News (ISN 0199-0721) is published weeny for $37.95 per year to Florida ad- dresses ($46.95 for the rest of the U.S.) by HERITAGE Central Florida Jewish News, Inc., 207 O'Brien Road, Suite 101, Fern Park, FL 32730. Periodicals postage paid at Fern Park and additional mailing offices. POSTMASTER: Send address changes and other correspondence to: HERITAGE, P.O. Box 300742, Fern Park, FL 32730. MAILING ADDRESS PHONE NUMBER P.O. Box 300742 (407) 834-8787 Fern Park, FL 32730 FAX (407) 831-0507 email: CENTRAL FLORIDA'S INDEPENDENT JEWISH VOICE Editor/Publisher Jeffrey Gaeser Editor Emeritus Associate Editor Gene Starn Kim Fischer Society Editor Gloria Yousha Assistant Editor Christine DeSouza Bookkeeping Paulette Alfonso Account Executives Lori Apple Marc/Gaeser Contributing Columnists Jim Shipley Ira Sharkansky David Bomstein Ed Zieg|er Production Department David Lehman Gil Dombrosky Joyce Gore J to join the other 10 Middle Eastern countries that assembled in Jeddah. Saudi Arabia. earlier this month to announce the coalition with the Americans. Turkish leaders say their principal aim is to provide humanitarian aid to the thousands of refugees that have poured across their country's borders, though there is widespread agreement-that the Turks are engaged in supporting the military operation from behind the scenes. Similarly, Qatar is playing what the Reuters news agency de- scribed as a "supporting role," which means that it will not be visibly deploying military force against Islamic State, in stark contrast to Arab neighbors like Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain, all of whom have participated in bombing runs against Islamic State posi- tions in Syria in recent days. I also include Iran in that Category. Iran, again, is not a formal participant in the U.S.- led coalition, but Washington has been keen to emphasize that Tehran shares western disquiet at the rise of Islamic State. And Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif was quick to point out, in media interviews dur- ing his visit to New York for the U.N. General Assembly, that his country had been praised by Iraqi Kurdish leaders for providing them with weapons in their darkest hour of need. "Iran is the only country in the region that is capable of helping in the maintenance of stability," Zarif told The National Interest's Jacob Heilbrunn, presumably with some relish. The plain fact is that any calculations we make in Iraq and Syria will need to factor in the Qatar-Turkey axis (the main state- backers of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood movement in the Middle East) and the Iranian-led alliance that comprises the Assad regzme in Syria, the Hezbollah terrorist or- ganization in Lebanon, and the Palestinian Hamas regime in the Gaza Strip. Therefore, not only do we face the task ofdestroying Islamic State, but we haveto do so in a way that avoids creating suspicion about our true intentions within what might conveniently be called the "not allies, not enemies" camp. This is a strategy that, in military terms. is fraught with risk, at the same time as being enormously confusing politically. Do we look sideways at Iran's nuclear program for the sake of a successful campaign against Islamic State? Do we continue ignoring Qatari and Turkish backing for Hamas for the same reason? Look at how western leaders have addressed these is- sues French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius, for example, has insisted, "You must not establish confusion between this [Islamic State] question and the question of nuclear weapons that we are discussing now with the Iraflians," without explain- ing whether the war on Islamic State has impacted negotiations over Iran's nuclear ambitions. The lack of consistency and clarity is deeply disturbing. And so, I return to my original question: who are we at war with in the Middle gast? Islamic State is a breathtakingly brutal case of where Islamism can lead, but it is far from being the only Islamist force in the Middle East that is willing to kill Americans and other westerners. Assuming we are able to defeat Islamic State, we will still have to deal with a spectrum of adversaries that includes al-Qaeda offshoots, the Muslim Brotherhood, and most of all the Iranian regime. We need to be thinking now about how to approach these entities and states in the wake of an Islamic State defeat, much as British and American planners thought about post-war relations with the Soviet Union in the closing stages of World War II. Doing so efficiently means not closing our eyes and ears to unpalatable truths. Most urgently, let's not fool ourselves into thinking that Iran won't take advantage of cui, rent situation, or that its nuclear program is not a comparable threat to that posed by Islamic State. There is a real prospect that Iran will weaponize its nuclear program, thereby inaugurating an era of danger for the Middle East that will make the current one look like a picnic. Should that happen, the war against Islamic State will seem like a footnote in a,broader story of western defeat in the Middle East, rather than the open- ing gambit of a strategy to confront and, yes, defeat the enemies of freedom across the region. Ben Cohen is the Shillman analyst for and a contributor to the Wall Street Journal, Commentary, Haaretz, and other publications. His book, "Some Of My Best Friends: A Journey Through Twenty-First Century Antisemitism" (Edition Critic, 2014), is now available through Amazon. I " Letter from Israel Strategic mistakes By Ira Sharkansky What do the 1861 attack on Fort Sumter, Germany's 1941 attack on Russia, Pearl Harbor, and 9/11 have in common? They represent an adversary's error that brought upon it a greater power, and in the case of the first three--eventual destruction. We're still seeing the playing out of 9/11, principally now in Iraq and Syria. The end game has not been reached. Moreover, insofar as this is the first of the examples where organized states are dealing with non-state violence fueled by religious fanaticism, it inay not end in anything like a surrender. Hopefully it will peter out, after who knows what impacts on the sources of terror, whether they be in the Middle East, or Muslim communities elsewhere. Israel has also felt 'the effects of strategic errors by its adversaries. The instances are nowhere near the international importance of Fort Sumter et al, and their implications are still playing out. One risks predictions, but there are parallels worth pondering. Early on, the Arabs rejected efforts by the British to arrange Jewish and Arab areas. Then their 1948 attack on a small Israel produced a larger Israel. In 1975 the Arabs engineered a declaration by the UN General Assembly that Zionism was racism. That increased Israel's already intense sus- picion of Palestinian and Arab intentions, and prompted a strong response from the articulate Daniel Patrick Moynihan, at the time the most powerful country's UN ambassador. "The United Nations is about to make anti- Semitism international law." and "The [United States] does not acknowledge, it will not abide by it, will never acquiesce in this infamous act... A great evil has been loosed upon the World." In 1991, Israel succeeded in demanding the UNGA's revocation of that resolution as its condition for participating in the Madrid Peace Conference. That, in turn, led to the Oslo Ac- cords of 1993, whose grant of limited autonomy freed Israel from governing most Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. Palestinians have yet to achieve the most important element of statehood, i.e., the recognition of such by its powerful neighbor. The Palestinians have done it again, twice in recent months. First was that rain of missiles that produced Operation Protective Edge. Now Mahmoud Abbas has blasted the UN General Assembly with the political equiva- lents of the most scatological of four-letter words, genocide and apartheid. Neither are new in this discourse. Jimmy Carter is the most famous user of apartheid in his 2006 book, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Espe- cially bizarre was an interview in which he described Israeli actions in the West Bank as, "even worse instances of apartness, or apart- heid, than we witnessed even in South Africa." The screeds of Carter and Abbas will serve as the slogans shouted in unison by crowds led by overseas Palestinians and joined by a motley collection ofanti-Semites and know-nothings attracted to political fashions. The two non-Palestinian entities most important for the futur e of Abbas' chronically disappointed population responded in ways suggesting that he did not choose wisely. Israel's foreign minister employed his own choice of a four-letter political term as he ac- cused Abbas of "diplomatic terrorism." The spokeswoman of the U.S. State Depart- ment: Sharkansky on page 19A