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PAGE 18A Debate From pare 1A bling the predictable partisan positions taken on most big issues in today&apos;s Washing- tonuin this case, prompting liberals and conservatives to line up on all sides of the issue. Friends of both senators-- Feinste'in of California and Wyden of Oregon--say their strikingly opposed positions result both from their inde- pendent spirit, but also from strong beliefs forged by pre- congressional experiences. In 1978, Feinstein was president of the San Fran- cisco Board of Supervisors when a gunman entered City Hall and shot to death Harvey Milk, a fellow su- pervisor and gay activist, along with the city's mayor, George Moscone. Feinstein announced, the killings at a news conference and then succeeded Moscone as mayor. Colleagues say the murders were formative for Feinstein, who was outraged that the killer, Dan White, claimed he was depressed and was con- victed only of manslaughter. The incident continued to inform her positions after her election to the Senate in 1992, most prominently in the lead she has taken on gun control advocacy since the massacre of 26 people at a school in Connecticut last year. "Dianne has always been pretty much a centrist on these issues, law enforce- ment, security," said Mel Levine, a former Democratic congressman from southern California. Wyden, the child of Ger- man Holocaust survivors, en- tered public service through his activism as a young, professor of gerontology concerned about insurance seams targeting seniors. "Tho victims of these seams--seniors who had lived through two world wars--would look at me with shame in their eyes and tell me that they should have known better," he wrote on the Huffington Post last year. "Stopping those insurance rip-offs was one of the reasons I ran for Congress." Wyden founded the Oregon chapter of the Gray Panthers, a social justice group focused on the rights of older Ameri- cans, in the 1970s. In 1980 he was elected to the House, and then to the Senate in 1996. "He's always been very much an independent think- er," said Bob Horenstein, the director of the Portland, Ore. Jewish Community Relations Council. "He'll. find allies where he needs to find allies, and if he has to oppose a col league, he'll do that." Wyden and Fein,stein both have reputations for walking away from their parties--and their natural constituen- cies-on principle. Feinstein is an outspo- ken advocate for the death penalty and has close ties HERITAGE FLORIDA JEWISH NEWS, JUNE 21, 2013 to the centrist pro-Israel community and the Ameri- can Israel Public Affairs Committee--neither posi- tion a particularly popular one in Feinstein's northern California base. But she has also endorsed the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, which calls for comprehensive peace in exchange for a return to the 1967 borders, and cited Israel's use of cluster bombs in Lebanon to explain her re- peated bids to ban the export of those arms. In 2011, Wyden unnerved his Democratic colleagues when he joined with Rep. Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), the chairman of the House Budget Commit- tee, in advocating for private options for seniors eligible for Medicare. Notably, the Gray Panthers, the organization that launched his public ca- reer, adamantly opposed the Wyden-Ryan proposal. Wyden suggested in a lengthy response on the Huffington Post that he was not about to stop working with Republicans or anyone else if it would advance the rights of Americans. "Because we worked to- gether, Paul Ryan now knows more about the Medicare Guarantee and protecting seniors from unscrupulous insurance practices than he did before," Wyden said. "If thatis reflected in his budget this Year, as someone who has been fighting for seniors since he was 27 years old, I think that's a step in the right direction." Rohani From page 1A was seen as less identified with the regime, who still defines the State of Israel as 'the great Zionist Satan,' " Netanyahu said Sunday. The Obama administra- tion also expressed skep- ticism, although unlike Netanyahu, it held out hope that Rohani's moder- ated rhetoric represented an opening. "President-elect Rohani pledged repeatedly during his campaign to restore and expand freedoms for all Iranians" U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said. In the months ahead, he has the opportunity to keep his prom- ises to the Iranian people." Kerry also repeated his readiness to "engage directly with the Iranian govern- ment" to meet Western demands that it make its nuclear program more trans- parent. Rohani was born in north- ern Iran to a religious family that sent him to seminary when he was 12. He went on to earn advanced law degrees at Glasgow Caledonian Uni- versity and to publish two books in English on Islamic jurisprudence. Until his election he was the manag- ing editor of two scholarly foreign affairs periodicals, in English and in Farsi. For much of his career, Rohani has been deeply embedded in iran's corri- dors of power. Ten of the 16 entries under "professional experience" in his English- language biography posted on the website of the think tank he has led since 1902, the Center for Strategic Research, detail his security establishment credentials. Rohani served two stints as national security adviser, from 1989 to 1997 and 2000 to 2005, and was Iran's chief nuclear negotiator from 2003 to 2005. During his mid-2000s ascent under the reform- minded President Moham- mad Khatami, Western diplomats speculated that Rohani was being groomed for the presidency, noting both his facility for engage- ment with the West and ties to the conservative estab- lishment and the supreme leader. Rohani is fluent in English, along with several other Western languages, and has an active presence on Twitter. In his published works, Rohani offers some clues about his views concerning engagement with the West, particularly in nuclear ne- gotiations. According to Farideh Farhi, a University of Hawaii analyst writing this week on LobeLog, a foreign policy website, Rohani seems to believe that engagement of- fers more for Iranian security than isolation. "The foundation of secu- rity is not feeling'apprehen- sive," Rohani wrote in his 2011 book, "National Secu- rity and Nuclear DiplomaCy," according to a translation by Farhi. "In the past 6 years"---since the departure from power of moderates led by Khatami--"the feeling of apprehension has not been reducedY Western diplomats who led nuclear talks with Rohani in the mid-2000s told reporters at the time that they saw Rohani as someone coming to the table ready to forge deals. Itwas during Rohani's ,term as chief nuclear nego- tiator that Iransuspended its enrichment of uranium, although talks ultimately foundered over the extent of the Iranian suspension. Rohani no longer favors such a suspension, but has suggested that he is ready to make Iran's nuclear program more transparent as a means of lifting Iran's isolation. "The best way to charac- terize Rohani is that he real- izes the extent of the crisis facing the Iranian regime due to multiple reasons, but also because of the nuclear program and sanctions," said Alireza Nader, an Iran policy analyst at the Rand Corp., a think tank with close ties to the Pentagon. "Rohani is not someone who believes. Iran must sacrifice everything for resistance." During his campaign, Ro- hani suggested that the price of "resistance" championed by Ahmadinejad and some of the hardliflrs running against him had cost Iran too much. It would be nice "that while centrifuges are work- ing, the country is also working," was one of his slogans, according to Meir Javedanfar, an Iran-born Israeli analyst. Skeptics emphasized Ro- hani's establishment ties, which according to the Times date to 1967, when he met and befriended Kha- meini on a long train ride. The Israel Project in its biography of Rohani em- phasized that his ascension to the upper echelons of the Iranian governrfient came about through his friend- ship with Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, the country's president throughout much of the 1990s. It was under Rafsanjani that interna- tional terrorism operations and nuclear development expanded greatly. Khameini, aS many have noted, remains the ultimate power in Iran. But Nader said Rohani's establishment past and the swell of moder- ates who carried him into office over hardline regime favorites such as Saeed Jalili, also a former nuclear negotiator, could position him as a bridge between the two camps. "Rohani is not transfor- mative. He is part of the conservative establishment and the national security establishment," Nader said. "He's acceptable to both sides, to Khameini and the conservatives and to the reformists. He's a figure who will try and bridge the gap between the components of the regime. "This is an opportunity for Khameini to make con- cessions to change and to save face." Shadows From page 1A was recognized in 1990 as Righteous Among the Nations for having helped "just one woman," Elena Aschkenasy, in 1940. Paldiel also said the commission "did not find any evidence or testimony that he might have assisted anyone outside of this case." Yet in 1955, the Union of the Italian Jewish Communi- ties recognized Palatucci, and in 1995 the Italian govern - ment decorated him with the Medaglia d'oro award for civil merit. During the ecumenical ceremony for the Jubilee on May 7, 2000, Pope John Paul II included Palatucci among the martyrs of the 20th century. In 2004, the diocesan phase of the canonization process concluded officially naming the hero who died in Dachau in 1945, at age 36, a "Servant of God." But who conducted the historical research on which these recognitionswere based? What spawned the myth of the "Italian Schindler"? The official biographies-- the latest of which, "Giovanni Palatucci: a right and a Chris- tian martyr," by Antonio De Simone and Michele Bianco with a preface by Cardinal Camillo Rgini--speak of thousands of Jews being sent to the internment camp in the town of Campagna. They would" have been protected there by Bishop Giuseppe Maria Palatucci, Giovanni's uncle--who in 1953 called the notorious camp a "vaca- tion spot." "Impossible," replies Anna Pizzuti, editor of the database of foreign Jewish internees in Italy <www.annapizzuti. it>, "no more than 40 Flume residents were interned in Campagna. A third of the group ended up inAuschwitz." The biographies then recall the 800 Jewish refugees who in 1939 secretly boarded a Greek ship, the Agia Zoni, that departed from Flume on March 17, 1939 headed for Palestine in an opera- tion organized personally by Palatucci. But from the diary of the group's guide preserved atYad Vashem and the documents of the portauthority collected in the Italian State Archives, it becomes clear that it actually was an operation of the Jew- ish Agency of Zurich carried out under the strict watch of Palatucci's superiors. Not only did these superiors exact a painful process of extortion, they also sent back to the border the neediest refugees, the stateless and those who came from Dachau. Also from the archives, we find that Palatucci was an officer of public security at the police headquarters in Flume from 1937 to 1944, where he worked in the im- migration bureau and was in charge of the census of Jewish citizens on the basis of which the Prefecture applied Mus- solini's racial laws. In Fiume, the census was conducted so thoroughly and the laws applied ith such zeal that it provoked international pro- tests and a reaction from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. According 'to the mono- graph by Silva Bon titled "The Italian Jewish Communities of the Province of Kvarner Ri- jeka and Opatija (1924-1945)" and the data collected in the "The Book of Memory" by Liliana Picciotto, during Palatucci's'brief regency the percentage of Jews deported from Fiurne was among the highest in Italy. "There Would Be Enough," the recently pub- lished family portrait by Silvia Cuttin, clearly and accurately depicts the tragic experience of the Jews of Fiume. In "Giovanni Palatucci: A Proper Memory," Marco Coslovich reconstructs the ambiguous professional pro- file of a 30-year-old vice commissioner of police who sweiars loyalty to the Republic of Saio. "Palatucci never served as chief of police in Fiume," Coslovich reveals, "buLas an adjunct vice commissioner under the control of superiors who were notoriously anti- Semitic." As opposed to being in con- flictwith superiors, documen- tation shows that Palatucci was considered a model public servantand fully enjoyed their favor. He was considered to be "irreplaceable" by the prefect Testa. Between April 1944 and the beginning of September of that year, Palatucci was regentand directly dependent to the upper echelon of Salo, Tullio Tamburini and Eugenio Cerruti. Historian Michele Sarfatti in the episode of the televi- sion program"La storia siamo noi" dedicated to Palatucci, expressed doubts in 2008 as to the plausibility of the disproportionate numbers at- tributed to a community that numbered just over 1,000. Further, between imnigration and internment, the commu- nity was reduced to little more than 500 by October 1943. According to the Venetian historian Simon Levis Sul- lam, the Palatucci affair is tied to the broader problem of how anti-Semitic persecution in.fascist Italy--and the role Italians played in it--has been represented in the 68 years since the end of the war. Co- editor of a recent study on the Shoah in Italy published by UTET (2012), Sullam explains, "The myth of the good Ital- ian has constituted a source of collective self-absolution after the Second World War regarding the support offered to anti-Semiticand racist poli- tics in the period 1937-1945, in which thousands of Italians part!cipated directly." Coslovieh emphasizes how more than half of Palatucci's personal dossier reflects the efforts carried out by his fa- ther, Felice, and his uncle, the bishop, aimed at completely rehabilitating the reputation of the commissioner with respect to ethnic cleansing. Additionally, the concession of a war pension accorded by law only to widows and orphans of the casualties of war (Palatucci was a bachelor) indicates the involvement of the Italian government in designating their relative as a "savior of Jews." Between 1952 and 1953, Bishop Giuseppe Maria Pal- atucci availed himself of the written collaboration of Ro- dolfo Grani, a Jew from Fiume of Hungarian origin whom he had met during Grani's brief internment in Campagna. However, the historian Mauro Canali, an expert in the his- tory of the fascist police system at the University of Camerino, maintains that in the copious documentary evidence regarding Grani, there is no indication that he ever met Giovanni Palatucci. But someone who did meet Palatucci was the Baron Niel Sachs de Gric, also a Fiume- based Jew of Hungarian descent, a lawyer in the eccle- siastical court and represen- tative of the Holy Seefor the Concordat with Jugoslavia. In 1952, the bishop sent de Gric an article for publication in the periodical Osservatore Ro- rnano with an "invitation" to take credit for its authorship. The documents attributed to Grani and de Gric--their authenticity demands to be verified, and neither received the commissioner's assis- tance-launched the outsized version of Palatucei's heroism. The last piece of the legend to fall is the one connected to the circumstances of Palatuc- ci's death. The arrest warrant signed by Herbert Kappler and deposited in the Central Archives of State leaves no doubt: Palatucci was accused of treason by the Germans for having transmitted to the en- emy (the British) documents of the Social Republic of Salo requesting negotiations for Fiume's independence, not for having protected the Jews o that city. Alessandra Farkas is the New York correspondent for the Italian daily newspaper Corriere della Sera, where this story first appeared. The article was translated by Steve Baker.